ES HORA DE SOLUCIONES

Attachment: vcard [not shown] · 824 - 853

Untitled Document
----- Original Message -----
From: "Peter Cornakovic" <peter.corn@...>
To: "Dads_In_Action@yahoogroups.com" <dads_in_action@yahoogroups.com>; "EPOC
News EPOC" <epoc_news@yahoogroups.com>; <fathers_in_action@yahoogroups.com>
Sent: Wednesday, November 27, 2002 4:00 PM
Subject: [fathers_in_action] The Politics of Fatherhood

The Politics of Fatherhood

Stephen Baskerville, Howard University

Fatherhood is rapidly becoming the number one social policy issue in
America. President Bill Clinton stated in 1995 that "the single biggest
social problem in our society may be the growing absence of fathers from
their children's homes, because it contributes to so many other social
problems." In 1997, Congress created task forces to promote fatherhood, and
in 1998 the governors' and mayors' conferences followed. President George W.
Bush recently unveiled a $315 million dollar package for "responsible
fatherhood." Nonprofit organizations such as the National Fatherhood
Initiative were formed in the mid-1990s. Fatherhood was seen as the most
serious social problem by almost 80% of respondents to a 1996 Gallup poll
(NFI 1996, 1).
Fatherhood advocates insist that the crisis of fatherless children is "the
most destructive trend of our generation" (Blankenhorn 1995, 1). Virtually
every major social pathology has been linked to fatherlessness: violent
crime, drug and alcohol abuse, truancy, teen pregnancy, suicide-all
correlate more strongly to fatherlessness than to any other single factor.
The majority of prisoners, juvenile detention inmates, high school dropouts,
pregnant teenagers, adolescent murderers, and rapists all come from
fatherless homes (Daniels 1998; NFI 1996). The connection is so strong that
controlling for fatherlessness erases the relationships between race and
crime and between low income and crime (Kamarck and Galston 1990).

Yet despite its salience in public policy debates and within psychology,
sociology, and law, fatherhood has received little attention from political
scientists.

This neglect is not a minor omission. Arguably it is what has left the
phenomenon unexplained. For despite a decade of attention, little attempt
has been made to account for where the fatherhood crisis comes from in the
first place. While it doubtless has a number of contributing social and
economic causes that stretch back decades, there is evidence that the
critical dimensions it has assumed in the last decade proceed at least in
part from public policy, and that the problem should be seen less as
sociological or psychological and more as political.

What is neglected is the large governmental machinery that has arisen at the
federal, state, and local levels-and abroad-to address family issues.
Extensive executive-branch agencies administer not only welfare but child
protection, child-support enforcement, and other quasi-police functions. Yet
the linchpin of this machinery is the judiciary: the little-understood
system of family courts, which have arisen during the last 40 years. Like
the fatherhood problem itself, this apparatus is most highly developed in
the Anglophone countries, with the marked political role the common law
tradition bestows upon the judiciary and with their more extensive history
of divorce (Riley 1991). The organization varies, but virtually every state
and democratic country now has special courts and civil service agencies for
family issues (DiFonzo 1997). Fatherlessness and the judicial-bureaucratic
machinery connected with it have grown up together as increasingly worldwide
phenomena.

The conventional wisdom-enunciated by political leaders, media commentators,
and scholars on both left and right-assumes the problem stems from paternal
abandonment. Clinton said the fathers pursued by his administration "have
chosen to abandon their children" (Clinton 1992). David Blankenhorn writes
that "the principal cause of fatherlessness is paternal choice . . . the
rising rate of paternal abandonment" (Blankenhorn 1995, 22-23).

The little work by political scientists perpetuates this assumption.
"Husbands abandon wives and children with no looking back," writes Cynthia
Daniels (1998, 2). "Millions of men walk out on their children," says Robert
Griswold (1998, 19).

Conservatives, who have done most to call attention to fatherlessness, also
accept this explanation. Lionel Tiger writes that men "are abandoning women.
. . . It supplies much of the 50 percent divorce rate. . . . Perhaps this
helps explain the single-mother rate of over 30% of births across the
industrial world" (Tiger 1999, 57-58). Leon Kass blames feminism for "male
liberation-from domestication, from civility, from responsible
self-command."

All this may seem intuitively correct, but is it true? In fact, no
government or academic study has ever shown that large numbers of fathers
are voluntarily abandoning their children.

Moreover, those studies that have addressed the question have arrived at a
rather different conclusion. In the largest federally funded study ever
undertaken on the subject, psychologist Sanford Braver found that the
"deadbeat dad" who walks out on his family and evades child support "does
not exist in significant numbers." Braver found at least two-thirds of
divorces are initiated by women. Moreover, few of these divorces involve
legal grounds, such as desertion, adultery, or violence (Braver 1998). Other
studies have found much higher proportions, with one concluding that "who
gets the children is by far the most important component in deciding who
files for divorce" (Brinig and Allen 2000, 126-27, 129, 158).

The importance of this finding cannot be overestimated. Policymakers clearly
assume the contrary, imposing punitive measures on allegedly dissolute
fathers. "Children should not have to suffer twice for the decisions of
their parents to divorce," Republican Senator Mike DeWine stated in June
1998, "once when they decide to divorce, and again when one of the parents
evades the financial responsibility to care for them."

Cases of unmarried fathers, usually younger and poorer, are more difficult
to document. Yet here too the evidence contrasts with the stereotype. One
study of low-income fathers ages 16-25 found that 63% had only one child;
82% had children by only one mother; 50% had been in a serious relationship
with the mother at the time of pregnancy; only 3% knew the mother of their
child "only a little"; 75% visited their child in the hospital; 70% saw
their children at least once a week; 50% took their child to the doctor and
large percentages reported bathing, feeding, dressing, and playing with
their children; and 85% provided informal child support in the form of cash
or purchased goods such as diapers, clothing, and toys (Wilson 1997). A
study of low-income fathers in England found that "the most common reason
given by the fathers for not having more contact with their children was the
mothers' reluctance to let them. . . . Most of the men were proud to be seen
as competent carers an
d displayed a knowledge of child-care issues" (Speak et al. 1999).

Also challenging the deadbeat stereotype, a Rutgers-Texas study found that
many fathers state governments want to track down for child support are so
destitute that their lives focus on finding the next job, the next meal, or
next night's shelter. "They struggle with irregular, low-wage employment,"
the authors write. "But economically and emotionally marginal as many of
these fathers were, they . . . continue to make contributions to their
children's households and to maintain at least a relationship with those
children" (Edin and Lein 1998).

So if fathers are not abandoning their children in record numbers, why are
so many children without fathers? Some 40% of the nation's children and 60%
of African-American children live in homes where their fathers are not
present (Popenoe 1993).

Part of the answer may be found by examining the governmental institutions
that regulate the relationships between parents and their children. The
first point of contact between most parents and the state is again the
family court and the bureaucratic machinery that surrounds it.

Family courts are a little-studied institution, yet they possess powers
unlike any other governmental body. Unlike other courts, they are usually
closed to the public, generally leave no record of their proceedings, and
keep few statistics on their decisions, so information is difficult to
obtain. In some ways they are closer to administrative agencies than courts;
one prominent judge describes them as a "social service delivery system."
Uniquely, their mandate is not even to administer justice as such but to
determine "the best interest of the child." Because this may involve no
transgression by litigants, family courts would appear to be the only courts
that can summon and impose their orders on citizens accused of no legal
infraction.

Thus while family courts sit lowest in the judicial hierarchy, paradoxically
they are regarded as the most powerful. "The family court is the most
powerful branch of the judiciary," according to Robert Page, presiding judge
of the family part of the Superior Court of New Jersey. By their own
assessment, "The power of family court judges is almost unlimited" (Page
1993, 11).

Perhaps most startling is that by some accounts they claim to be exempt from
the U.S. Constitution. Family courts describe themselves as courts of
"equity" or "chancery" rather than "law," implying they are not necessarily
bound by due process, and the rules of evidence are not as stringent as in
criminal courts. As one father reports being told by the chief investigator
for the administrator of the courts in New Jersey, investigating a complaint
in 1998: "The provisions of the U.S. Constitution do not apply in domestic
relations cases since they are determined in a court of equity rather than
court of law." A connected rule, known as the "domestic relations
exception," prevents federal courts exercising constitutional review over
family law cases.

Family courts handle matters such as divorce, custody, child support, child
protection, domestic violence, and juvenile crime. Their workload is
determined by the existence of these problems, all of which are directly
connected with fatherless homes. Recalling Dickens' observation that "the
one great principle of the law is to make business for itself," it may not
be overly cynical to suggest that family courts and their entourage have
developed a vested interest in separating children from their parents.
Though mothers and parents in intact families can also find their children
confiscated (a trend that seems to be increasing), the process most often
begins with the removal of the father, the weakest link in the family chain
(Mead 1969, 198). The children then become effectively wards of the state,
where they can be seized from their mothers as well, often on accusations of
child abuse (Hewlett and West 1998; Wexler 1990).

Like other state court judges, family court judges are elected or appointed
and promoted by commissions dominated by lawyers and other professionals
(Jacob 1964; Tarr 1999, 61-70). They are political positions, in other
words, answerable to the bar associations who effectively appoint them or
finance their election campaigns and who naturally have an interest in
maximizing the volume of litigation (Corsi 1984, 107-14; Watson and Downing
1969, 98, 336). While family courts, like all courts, complain of being
overburdened, it is clearly in their interest to be overburdened, since
judicial powers and salaries, like any other, are determined by demand.
"Judges and staff work on matters that are emotionally and physically
draining due to the quantity and quality of the disputes presented," Judge
Page explains. "They should be given every consideration for salary and the
other 'perks' or other emoluments of their high office." If the judiciary is
viewed in part as a business, then th
e more satisfied the customers-in this case, the bar associations and
divorcing parents who expect custody-the more customers will be attracted.
"With improved services more persons will come before the court seeking
their availability," writes Judge Page. "As the court does a better job more
persons will be attracted to it as a method of dispute resolution" (Page
1993, 19-20). The more attractive the courts make divorce settlements, the
more their business and the more children will be removed from, in most
cases, their fathers.

One tool at their disposal is restraining orders, which exclude fathers (or
mothers) from their children for months, years, and even life. These orders
are routinely issued during divorce proceedings, usually without any
evidence of wrongdoing. Elaine Epstein, former president of the
Massachusetts Women's Bar Association, has written that restraining orders
are doled out "like candy." "Restraining orders and orders to vacate are
granted to virtually all who apply," and "the facts have become irrelevant,"
she found. "In virtually all cases, no notice, meaningful hearing, or
impartial weighing of evidence is to be had" (Epstein 1993, 1). The
rationale was revealed during a judges' training seminar, when municipal
court judge Richard Russell told his colleagues:

Your job is not to become concerned about the constitutional rights of the
man that you're violating as you grant a restraining order. Throw him out on
the street, give him the clothes on his back, and tell him, see ya around. .
. . We don't have to worry about the rights. (Bleemer 1995, 1)

Professional associations and "revolving doors" connect family courts to
executive branch agencies that handle child protection and child support
enforcement. These agencies likewise can be said to have a interest in
removing children from their fathers. Judges also wield substantial powers
of patronage, whereby lucrative positions "are generally passed out to the
judge's political cronies or to persons who can help his private practice"
(Jacob 1984, 112).

The links connecting these professionals and agencies with the courts can be
glimpsed from those documented cases that cross the line into illegality.
One investigation uncovered a "slush fund" operated by Los Angeles family
court judges into which attorneys and other "court-appointed professionals"
contributed. The professionals included court monitors, who received up to
$240 a day to watch fathers accused of spousal or child abuse while they are
with their children, raising the question of whether the payments resulted
not simply in certain individuals receiving appointments in preference to
others but in the function itself being created in the first place (O'Meara
1999). What appears to be involved is not simply individual bribery to favor
particular individuals or cases but a kind of systemic, institutional
bribery leading to innocent fathers being monitored. This fund may be
exceptional, in that it was exposed. But it may be exceptional only in
degree, given that court o
fficials have more subtle methods of rewarding judges who send business
their way.

Such connections extend to the legislative branch, where the available
documentation relates mostly to criminal cases, which may nevertheless
constitute the tip of a larger, quasi-legal iceberg. In March 2000 four
Arkansas legislators, including the most powerful member of the Arkansas
Senate, were convicted on federal charges of racketeering for taking
kickbacks and arranging government contracts for personal benefit, mostly
connected with child custody and child support. One scheme ostensibly
provided legal counsel to children, a practice that extends the patronage of
judges by bringing in additional attorneys, often at litigants' expense
though in this case with state funds voted for by lawmakers. Columnist John
Brummett of the Arkansas Democrat-Gazette wrote on April 29, 1999, that "no
child was served by that $3 million scam to set up a program ostensibly
providing legal representation to children in custody cases, but actually
providing a gravy train to selected legislato
rs and pals who were rushing around to set up corporations and send big
checks to each other." The program "not only sailed through the legislature
without extended comment or eligibility restriction," as is often the case
with legislation promoted for children, "but got its insider contracts
expeditiously approved at the Arkansas Supreme Court." The offense for which
the senators were indicted was not the diverting of contracts to their own
firms-which is apparently considered legal-but receiving personal kickbacks
and the cover-up. The underlying point here is that such opportunities only
become available once children are removed from their parents.

The largest component of government fatherhood policies is child-support
enforcement. Here too the courts, civil services agencies, and private firms
have a stake in separating children from their fathers.

Nearly 60,000 agents now enforce child support throughout the United States,
about 13 times the number in the Drug Enforcement Administration worldwide.
This does not include the rapidly growing number of private enforcement
companies. Though theoretically part of the executive branch, public
agencies maintain close relationships with family courts. David Gray Ross,
head of the federal Office of Child Support Enforcement (OCSE) in the
Clinton administration, began his career as a family court judge before
moving on to higher courts and a stint in a state legislature. "He was
honored as 'Judge of the Year of America' by the National Reciprocal Family
Support Enforcement Association in 1983 and as 'Family Court Judge of the
Nation' by the National Child Support Enforcement Association [NCSEA] in
1989" . That these groups bestow honors upon judges (and a federal
government web site would boast about it) indicates their financial interest
in family court decisions, primarily the on
e removing children from their fathers that sets the process in motion and
then the punitive child-support award that necessitates their services.
NCSEA's Internet site lists its members as "state and local agencies,
judges, court masters, hearing officers, district attorneys, government and
private attorneys, social workers, caseworkers, advocates, and other child
support professionals," as well as "corporations that partner with
government to enforce child support" . In other words, it includes officials
from at least two branches of government plus the private sector, who all
have a financial interest in having children separated from their fathers.

Setting child support levels is likewise a political process dominated
largely by collection personnel. About half the states use guidelines
devised by courts and executive-branch enforcement agencies that interpret
and enforce them (Morgan 1998, table 1-2). Such legislating by courts and
enforcement agencies raises questions about the separation of powers and
thus the constitutionality of the process. The method of formulating child
support guidelines, according to a Georgia district attorney, "violates both
substantive due process and equal protection guarantees of the Constitutions
of the United States and the State of Georgia" (Akins 2000).

The review process is likewise controlled largely by enforcement personnel.
Virginia completed its review in 1999 with a commission consisting of one
part-time member representing fathers and 11 full-time lawyers, judges,
child-support enforcement agents, and representatives of other organizations
who have a vested interest in both removing children from their fathers and
making the fathers' support obligations as burdensome as possible (Koplen
1999). Georgia commissions have comprised "individuals who are unqualified
to assess the economic validity of the guidelines, or who arguably have an
interest in maintaining the status quo, or both," Williams Akins writes. Of
the 11 members in 1998, "Two were members of the judiciary, two represented
custodial parent advocacy groups, four were either present or former child
support enforcement personnel and two were state legislators" (Akins 2000).

These ethical conflicts extend to the private sector, where an obvious
financial interest exists in creating fatherless children. Child-support
enforcement is now a multi-billion dollar enterprise, with claimed
arrearages of up to $68 billion and growing (HHS 2001). Privatization has
created a large industry of firms with a stake in pursuing parents, such as
Policy Studies Incorporated (PSI), SupportKids, and Lockheed Martin IMS.

These firms are also involved in setting the levels of what they collect and
so can create the very delinquents on which their business depends. From
1983 to 1990, Robert Williams, now president of PSI, was a paid consultant
with the Department of Health and Human Services (HHS), where he helped
establish uniform guidelines for the states with a grant from the National
Center for State Courts. During this time, a federally driven approach led
to significantly increased obligations. When the Family Support Act of 1988
required states to implement child-support guidelines (and gave them only a
few months of legislative time to do so or lose millions in federal funds),
most opted for Williams' guidelines, the model being devised by the agency
overlooking the program (Akins 2000; Rogers and Bieniewicz 2000).

One year after joining HHS, and the same year the federal guidelines were
created, Williams started PSI, which targeted privatization opportunities
with those he had consulted. In 1996, his company had the greatest number of
child-support-enforcement contracts of any of the private companies that
held state contracts (Johnston 1999). Company promotional literature reports
that PSI operates 31 privatized service locations in 15 states. The Denver
Business Journal reported on 27 June 1997, that PSI had grown "by leaps and
bounds because of the national crackdown on 'deadbeat dads,'" even before
welfare reform legislation took effect, by which the company "stands to
profit even more."

More significant than the profiteering is the level of obligation. PSI has a
vested interest not only in making the child-support levels as high as
possible to increase its absolute collection, but also in making them so
high that they create arrearages and "delinquents." Only by creating a level
of obligation high enough to create hardship, can the guidelines create a
large enough pool of defaulters to ensure demand for collection services.
Like his public sector counterparts, Williams's business depends on creating
as many deadbeat dads as possible.

Williams's model sharply raised obligations and has been widely criticized.
Economist Mark Rogers has charged that it resulted in "excessive burdens"
based on a "flawed economic foundation." Williams himself has stated, "There
is no consensus among economists on the most valid theoretical model to use
in deriving estimates of child-rearing expenditures," and, "Use of
alternative models yields widely divergent estimates of the percentages of
parental income or consumption allocated to the children." Donald
Bieniewicz, member of an advisory panel to OCSE, comments: "This is a
shocking vote of 'no confidence' in the . . . guideline by its author"
(Bieniewicz 1999, 2; Rogers 1999; Williams 1994, 104-105). Yet on the basis
of this guideline, parents are being arrested and jailed, usually without
trial.

The politics of fatherhood is difficult to classify according to existing
political vocabularies. It possesses similarities to a patronage machine,
wherein judgeships themselves are distributed (Glick 1978, 510). The judge
in turn sits at the center of a distribution system where he or she is in a
position to reward friends and punish enemies. Yet the patronage wielded in
family court appears to be less partisan and more pecuniary (cp. Ashman
1973, 242; Jacob 1984, 112; Stumpf and Culver 1992, 49). The judge who sits
at the center of the machine is not necessarily in command of it, and a
judge who fails to see to the interests of the attorneys and other
professionals can be punished when the time comes for reappointment and
promotion.

What is unprecedented is the commodity in contention. Children serve as the
tool or even weapon in disputes among contending parties, not only parents
but government officials. Control of children brings control over adults and
confers power and financial rewards on those who can successfully claim to
be acting in the children's interest (Brinig and Allen 2000, 133, 156). The
politics of fatherhood may thus be seen as part of a larger politics of
children which is only beginning to receive scrutiny (Hewlett and West 1998;
Mack 1997; MacLeod 1997). An extensive literature already examines family
politics and lays the groundwork for political scientists to go further in
understanding the developing role of the state in family relationships
(Binion 1991; Dewar 2000; Elshtain 1989; Houlgate 1998; Okin 1991). What
must now be explored is what happens when specific state institutions step
in to assume control over children and, in the name of their well-being or
that of the larger so
ciety, regulate their relationships with their parents. Notes

1. Government fatherhood programs exist in Canada, Britain, Australia, and
New Zealand. In June 1997 the German magazine Der Spiegel ran a cover story
on "The Fatherless Society." The problem is increasing in countries with
such traditional family morality as Japan and India (e.g., Bhadra Sinha, "No
Time For Each Other," The Times of India, 3 December 2000). References

Akins, William C. 2000. "Why Georgia's Child Support Guidelines Are
Unconstitutional," Georgia Bar Journal 6 (October).

Ashman, Charles R. 1973. The Finest Judges Money Can Buy. Los Angeles: Nash
Publishing.

Bieniewicz, Donald J. 1999. "Improving State Child Support Guidelines."
Testimony to the Virginia Child Support Quadrennial Review Panel, Richmond.

Binion, Gayle. 1991. "On Women, Marriage, Family, and the Traditions of
Political Thought," Law and Society Review 25 (2).

Blankenhorn, David. 1995. Fatherless America: Confronting Our Most Urgent
Social Problem. New York: Basic Books.

Bleemer, Russ. 1995. "N.J. Judges Told to Ignore Rights in Abuse TROs," New
Jersey Law Journal 140 (24 April).

Braver, Sanford L., with Diane O'Connell. 1998. Divorced Dads: Shattering
the Myths. New York: Tarcher/Putnam.

Brinig, Margaret F. and Douglas W. Allen. 2000. "These Boots Are Made for
Walking: Why Most Divorce Filers are Women," American Economics and Law
Review 2 (Spring).

Clinton, Bill. 1992. Nomination acceptance speech at the Democratic National
Convention in Madison Square Garden, New York, July 16, 1992 January 12,
2001.

Corsi, Jerome R. 1984. Judicial Politics. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey:
Prentice-Hall.

Daniels, Cynthia, ed. 1998. Lost Fathers: The Politics of Fatherlessness in
America. New York: St. Martin's Press.

Dewar, J. 2000. "Family Law and its Discontents," International Journal of
Law, Policy, and the Family 14 (April).

DiFonzo, J. Herbie DiFonzo. 1997. Beneath the Fault Line: The Popular and
Legal Culture of Divorce in Twentieth-Century America. Charlottesville:
University Press of Virginia.

Edin, Kathryn, and Laura Lein. 1998. Low-Income, Non-Residential Fathers:
Off-Balance in a Competitive Economy September 30, 2001.

Elshtain, Jean B. 1989. "Family, Politics, and Authority." In Children,
Parents, and Politics, ed. Geoffrey Scarre. Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press.

Epstein, Elaine M. 1993. "Speaking the Unspeakable," Massachusetts Bar
Association Newsletter 33 (June-July).

Glick, Henry R. 1978. "The Promise and the Performance of the Missouri Plan:
Judicial Selection in Fifty States," University of Miami Law Review 32.

Griswold, Robert L. 1998. "The History and Politics of Fatherlessness," In
Lost Fathers: The Politics of Fatherlessness in America, ed. Cynthia
Daniels. New York: St. Martin's Press.

U.S. Congress. House of Representatives. Committee on Ways and Means. 1998.
Green Book. Section 8: Child Support Enforcement Program. Print WMCP:105-7,
DOCID: f:wm007_08.105, U.S. Government Printing Office Online via GPO
Access.
http://frwebgate.access.gpo.gov/cgi-bin/useftp.cgi?IPaddress=162.140.64.21&f
ilename=wm007_08.105&directory=/disk2/wais/data/105_green_book (September
27, 2001).

Hewlett, Sylvia Ann, and Cornel West. 1998. The War Against Parents. Boston
and New York: Houghton Mifflin.

U.S. Department of Health and Human Services, Fact Sheet, March 16, 2001.
http://www.hhs.gov/news/press/2001pres/01fssupport.html (October 1, 2001).

Houlgate, L.D. 1998. "Must the Personal Be Political? Family Law and the
Concept of Family," International Journal of Law, Policy and the Family 12
(1).

Jacob, Herbert. 1964. "The Effects of Institutional Differences in the
Recruitment Process: The Case of State Judges," Journal of Public Law 13.

Jacob, Herbert. 1984. Justice in America: Courts, Lawyers, and the Judicial
Process. 4th ed. Boston and Toronto: Little Brown.

Johnston, James R. 1999. "The Father of Today's Child Support Public
Policy," Fathering Magazine. August.
http://www.fathermag.com/907/child-support/ (October 1, 2001).

Kamarck, Elaine Ciulla, and William Galston. 1990. Putting Children First: A
Progressive Family Policy for the 1990s. Washington: Progressive Policy
Institute.

Kass, Leon R. "The End of Courtship," The Public Interest.
http://www.thepublicinterest.com (March 26, 2002).

Koplen, Barry M. 1999. Minority Report. Richmond, VA: Quadrennial Child
Support Guideline Review Commission.

Mack, Dana. 1997. The Assault on Parenthood. New York: Simon and Schuster.

MacLeod, Colin M. 1997. "Conceptions of Parental Autonomy," Politics and
Society 25 (March).

Mead, Margaret. 1969. Male and Female: A Study of the Sexes in a Changing
World. New York: Dell.

Morgan, Laura W. 1998. Child Support Guidelines: Interpretation and
Application. New York: Aspen Law and Business.

NFI. 1996. Father Facts (Lancaster, Pennsylvania: National Fatherhood
Initiative).

Okin, Susan Moller. 1991. Justice, Gender, and the Family. New York: Basic
Books.

O'Meara, Kelly. 1999. "Is Justice for Sale in L.A.?" Insight 15 (3 May).

Page, Robert W. 1993. "'Family Courts': An Effective Judicial Approach to
the Resolution of Family Disputes," Juvenile and Family Court Journal 44
(1).

Popenoe, David. 1993. "American Family Decline, 1960-1990: A Review and
Appraisal," Journal of Marriage and the Family 55 (August).

Riley, Glenda. 1991. Divorce: An American Tradition. New York: Oxford
University Press.

Rogers, R. Mark. 1999. "Wisconsin-Style and Income Shares Child Support
Guidelines: Excessive Burdens and Flawed Economic Foundation," Family Law
Quarterly 33 (Spring).

Rogers, R. Mark, and Donald J. Bieniewicz. 2000. "Child Cost Economics and
Litigation Issues: An Introduction to Applying Cost Shares Child Support
Guidelines." Presented at the Southern Economic Association Annual Meeting,
Alexandria, VA.

Speak, Suzanne, Stuart Cameron, and Rose Gilroy. 1999. Young Single Fathers:
Participation in Fatherhood - Bridges and Barriers. London: Family Policy
Studies Centre.

Stumpf, Harry P., and John H. Culver. 1992. The Politics of State Courts.
New York: Longman.

Tarr, G. Alan. 1999. Judicial Process and Judicial Policymaking. Belmont,
CA: West/Wadsworth.

Tiger, Lionel. 1999. The Decline of Males. New York: Golden Books.

Watson, Richard A., and Rondal G. Downing. 1969. The Politics of the Bench
and the Bar. New York: John Wiley and Sons.

Wexler, Richard. 1990. Wounded Innocents: The Real Victims of the War
Against Child Abuse. Buffalo, NY: Prometheus Books.

Williams, Robert G. 1994. "Implementation of the Child Support Provisions of
the Family Support Act." In Child Support and Child Well Being, ed. Irwin
Garfinkel, Sarah McLanahan, and P.K. Robins (Washington, DC: Urban Institute
Press).

Wilson, Pamela. 1997. "Helping Young Dads Succeed," Family Life Educator,
Spring 1997.

Readers may redistribute this article to other individuals for noncommercial
use, provided the text and this notice remain intact and unaltered in any
way. This article may not be resold, reprinted, or redistributed for
compensation of any kind without prior permission from the American
Political Science Association. Questions regarding permissions should be
directed to Blake Brunner at bbrunner@... or by phone at (202)
483-2512 or Fax at (202) 483-2657.

http://www.apsanet.org/PS/dec02/baskerville.cfm

Consejos de Yahoo! Grupos

¿Sabías que...?

Mensajes

Estas son las novedades que podrás encontrar en

ayudaafamiliasseparadas.fiestras.com :

Noticias :

ES HORA DE SOLUCIONES